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The Leader's Letters have always some special features to be analyzed in the frame work of critical discourse analysis. One of the valuable letters is the 28^th letter of the Imam Ali's Nahj Al-balāghe having special place among the letters of Imam Ali. In principle, this letter manifests legitimate discourse of the Imam. The main question of this article is that how is it possible to investigate the relationship among the different linguistic layers within this discourse? Furthermore, how this legitimate discourse of Imam can be shaped by these linguistic and discursive selections? And finally how it can fight with the opponent discourse (Muāwiyah)?
Our assumption is that in this letter, Imam to by perpetuating and promoting his legitimacy and combating with the opposite discourse, Imam makes specific choices of linguistic possibilities and tries to gain the attention of the audience to his policy. To explore this, this article uses the Halliday's functional grammar theoretical framework to study the Imam's letter based on three metafunctions of this approach.
These metafunctions are ideational, interpersonal and textual .The results indicated that the legitimate discourse of the Imam, in order to stabilize and promote itself against opposite discourse, spreads the concept of "Us and Them" in the letter by making appropriate and specific choices from linguistic devices particularly in the application of relational and material processes and modality. Also, the textual function enhances previous metafunctions in the way to guaranty the coherence of the discourse in terms of legitimacy.
 

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Nowadays different discourses compete to have the most influence on the people’s minds to change into the power discourse. The present article shows how power and counter- power metaphors are made and used. To this end,  in a corpus type of study, 600 articles of two parties - conservatives (Osool- garayan) and reformists  ( Eslah –talaban) - during their counter- power and power period were chosen. The metaphors were extracted and analyzed using a critical- cognitive approach in a descriptive – analytic method, according to Chartris – Black 2004 and Hart and Lukes (2007). The results show that the hegemonic discourse uses media to manipulate the personal and social sources of knowledge as well as choosing metaphors and forming the mental concepts and giving the related information. In this way they reform the cognition and experiential latitudes. They reconstruct new metaphors using ideology, culture and history to legitimate the counter- power discourse and delegitimize the power discourse in order to convince. Media repeat the desired metaphors and construct people’s concepts and finally beliefs. If a discourse has legitimacy, the counter- power discourse uses its words and metaphors. According to the findings of the research the metaphorical schemas of some concepts such as government, election, power etc. are used completely different in these two discourses and delegitimize each other.
 

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This study is based on Van Leeuwen’s theory of legitimacy to show how proverbs can legitimize or derive legitimacy from a discourse. The research method is descriptive-analytical and is based on Leeuwen’s components such as authorization, moral evaluation, rationalization, and mythmaking. The statistical population is Twelve Thousand Persian Proverbs and Thirty Thousand Equivalents written by Ebrahim Shakurzadeh Bolouri. The sample size is three thousand Persian proverbs that have been selected from this book based on the systematic random sampling method. The results show that among the legitimation processes, the evaluation components have the highest range with a total of 380 proverbs. This seems to be due to the importance of evaluation as well as the human tendency to evaluate. The results also indicate that proverbs in discourse are used for various purposes such as persuading the audience and legitimizing or deriving legitimacy from a discourse.

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Numerous concepts have been created to justify governance. The system of knowledge-power, often produced by religious scholars, has sought to define and establish governance in accordance with historical contexts in relation to the Almighty God. The concept of the shadow of God (Zellul-lah) is one of these concepts that has been defined and used for the rulers in the form of a system of beliefs. This notion is often considered in conjunction with the notions of legitimacy, such as Farreh Izadi, as being a synonym in a sense, while its semantic discrepancies in the historical context has been ignored. Therefore, this study seeks to answer the question of how the philosophy of the notion of  Zellul-lahi in the era of Nader Shah was defined in the system of knowledge-power inter-relationship, and its functionality. Using the theoretical discussions of Foucault's “knowledge-power” method, as well as the "history of concept" approach, this research will explain the theory of Zellul-lahi in the era of Nader Shah and its consequences. The results of this study show that in the Nader shah era, there was a breakup in the “knowledge-power” system. This is true by taking into consideration that official-historians as producers of knowledge tried to define a different position for it due to Nader Shah’s separation from the legitimizing system of the Safavid era. For this reason, the concept of Zullul-lah in this age, as an independent approach, and in direct connection with God in the system of knowledge and power, has been established and exclusively used for Nader. This new system of knowledge-power, which was formed in this era, later led to a great change in the history of Iran, and helped in the evolution of the socio-political order of our country.
 

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Political legitimacy is one of the fundamental notions in contemporary political theorizing. To explain this notion, a set of views, influenced by Weber, put emphasis on the role of political beliefs of the citizens. Yet, recent academic enterprises refer to the political agents, focusing on their actions. This article studies Iranians’ socio-economic conditions in 1990’s, and reveals the setting of the emergence of the reformism, with regard to the notion of legitimacy. Along this line, the strategy of the reformists as the political agents is examined and their weaknesses and strengths as well as the reason of their failure are discussed.

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Legitimacy of law deals with rational justification of people's allegiance to the law in civilized societies. In other words, given that the "rule of law" is observed in the society, there is a need to answer some important questions, and "what is the basis on which people in modern societies follow the law?, "Why we should obey the law"?, and "What are the justified reasons to legitimate law"? Schools of thought have tried to answer these questions based on their perspective about being, cognition and value. In this essay, we tried to answer the above questions from Islam´s and Max Weber’s point of views. I argue, on the one hand, that Weber’s approach can not properly justify allegiance to law because it considers legitimacy as legality. On the other hand, Islamic attitude points out to the source of legislation right that comes from Allah. So the citizens under Islamic rules feel strong moral (Sharia) obligations to respect law.    

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There are two main approaches in the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran; In the first approach, equal value to the principles of the constitution has not been considered and some of the principles are in a higher position so that the hierarchy of constitutional principles is considered. In the second approach, the constitution is regarded as integrated collection and no one has superiority over another and in case of any ambiguity, all the principles should be interpreted according to the principle of popular sovereignty. As a result, two different conception of popular sovereignty is conceivable that sometimes argued as different sovereignties; dual and single. There is a meaningful relationship between the notion of sovereignty in the constitution and the people's right to self-determination. The main research question is that, which concept of the sovereignty to be recognized by the constitution; dual or single? What is the impact of the recognition of each approache on the people's right to self - determination?
 

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Merger is one of the most important changes that organizations experience. This change can have many effects and different aspects. The purpose of this research, is examination of the effect of merger on organizational identification and organizational legitimacy. Our society is the Ministry of Cooperatives labour and social welfare. In this regard, changes of organizational identification and organizational legitimacy before and after the merger have been studied. In this research, organizational identification has been studied based on expanded model of organizational identification (Misidentification, Ambivalent Identification & Neutral Identification); this means that the effect of merger on these types of organizational identification has been studied. In addition the impact of organizational legitimacy on organizational identification and misidentification, ambivalent identification & neutral identification, after merger has been studied. Finally the solutions for improving organizational identification have been presented based on the results.  
The results of the research show that in the ministry, the organizational legitimacy and organizational identification decreased significantly after the merger compared to before the merger, but misidentification, and ambivalent identification have increased significantly, although the changes of neutral identification was not significant. Based on the results of the post-merger phase, it was revealed that organizational legitimacy has a direct impact on organizational identification and has an inverse impact on the 3 types of organizational identification based on expanded model of organizational identification.

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Once, between parties to a contract, a dispute arising out of sanctions imposed by a third country is raised before dispute resolution authority, the authority can apply the sanctions to the contract and obligation of the parties thereto as “overriding mandatory rules” only if three significant requisites are fulfilled: “application worthiness of the sanction”, “close connection between the disputed contract and enacting state” and “prevalence of the benefit of a decision to give effect to a sanction over a decision to disregarding it”. Lack of each of the requisites will preclude the application of the sanctions enacted by a third country. This research will provide an answer to this question: concerning a sanction enacted by third countries what the nature of “application worthiness requisite” is what the criteria to fulfill this requisite are. Sanctions enacted by a third country will be worth applying as an overriding mandatory rule only if the object and purpose of the sanctions require considering it. I.e., according to the standards of the state of seat (in court proceedings) and the standards acceptable by the international community (in arbitral proceedings) benefits secured by means of sanctions must be “legitimate and be worthy of protection”, and the sanction must be a necessary and proportional means to achieve its purpose as well.

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The protection of ownership is rooted in the foundations of the legal system, and its foundations are completely dependent on the ruling view of the ownership theory. At the same time, in any legal system, the individuals’ ownership may be invaded due to public needs. The problem is, what are the foundations of ownership protection? With what justification and basis can such protection be violated and denied? In Iran's jurisprudence, the protection of ownership is based on jurisprudential rules such as “Domination” and “Prohibition of the Detriment” or as a fundamental right. Expropriation was also justified in two western-jurisprudential schools of thought. On the one hand, the theories of public interest and necessity, which have a jurisprudential background, were raised, and on the other hand, the theory of public interest entered the legal discourse. In English law, the protection of ownership as a fundamental right is done through the rule of law and the principle of parliamentary sovereignty and the compliance of all actions with the law, and judicial supervision is its guarantee. Expropriation is also permissible if there is public interest, but the attitude towards public interest has different interpretations due to conceptual ambiguity. Nevertheless, the authors believe that the basis of expropriation is rooted in the legitimacy of the state. Such legitimacy at a minimal level is associated with the right to life of the government, so that expropriation is one of the basic tools of the government to continue its existence and provide public service. At the same time, the maximum level of legitimacy is rooted in the legitimacy of the political system from the people's point of view. From this point of view, in Iran, the divine-popular basis of sovereignty, which is the birth of the constitution, considers the basis of expropriation to be granted to the government through the people.

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The Purpose of this Paper is to examine the goals of the ninth and tenth government in formulating and executing targeted distribution of subsidies under the title of 'Targeting Cash Subsidies Plan' in iran. The question is how targeting these Payments during the presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad can be explained. The hypothesis of this research is that the characteristics of a rent prepared the circumstances for making such payments by the mentioned government. in this research considering the nature of collector government which is always accompanied by an increase in the rent incomes, the government's policies have a distribution approach which aim to increase supporters and provide political legitimacy  and popularity.