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Nations categorize fictions differently. In the Persian literature, tales and epistolary writings can be considered as fiction while in the European literature, fiction only includes certain styles according to their modern definitions.
In this article, the author differentiates between the modern age and the contemporary era. She divides the contemporary and modern age literature into seven phases in view of major historical events. In this chapter only the first two phases are dealt with: First phase or the era of modernity (1206-1285) and the second era that is from the establishment of the constitutional government till Reza Khan’s rule( 1285-1299).
 

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Unlike contemporary poetry, hemistiches in modern poetry are not arranged on a predetermined and specific style. In fact, by composition of poems, the poet designs the writing structure of his work. It can be said that there exist as many writing structures as the poems composed to this date.
In this article the author endeavors to while reminding the reader of modern poetry’s violation of norms, analyze some aesthetic functions of this genre.
The author focuses on the role played by the style of writing in helping the reader in properly reading a poem and the style’s contribution to the true conveyance of thoughts and feelings as well as distinguishing the images and highlighting the concepts of time and place.
 

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This article seeks to use the descriptive-analytical method and relying on the definitions of social modernism to address the issue of social innovation in the poetry of the two poets and what are the similarities and differences in each of the topics? The analysis of Baroudi's poetry suggests that he is taking advantage of the sophisticated taste as well as following the critics of the West to the affairs of the people and to correct the defects in society. Like Farrokhi Yazdi, he addresses issues such as central justice, homeland, despondency, attention to poverty, opposition to oppression and oppression, and invitation to studying science as one of the most important subjects of his poetry. The most important aspect of Baroudi's and Farrokhi's poetry's differences is that Farrokhi, as a responsible critic, deals more with the community and related issues, but in Baroudi's poetry, he makes imitation of modernization. However, with the advent of the Arab movement and the issue of exile, it is twisted within it and pursues a sharp eye and a sharp sensitivity to the social problems of its country.

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niko Bakht.N,PH.D.
Zareh.GH.A.

                                                           

Abstract:
 
Concurrence with extensive developments in all social, political areas of Iran in the constitution era, Persian literature has not been immune from these developments and based on the new era requisites, developments have occurred both in appearance and meaning. In the aspect of meaning and contemplation, poem in constitution era, is the
scene  of  different  attitudes  and   tendencies  with  past  periods  including  reported conception  of  endoplasm  home  which  in  indication  of  development  in the home conception  and  evolution  in its  justifications. The tendency toward ancient  Iran  with  different attitudes and inclinations is in these period, including mental metamorphose of poet in this era, who so many patriotic poets have inclination toward it.
   Ancient inclination has different foundations and meanings. Inclination toward ancient periods or past language and escape from its customs, and is among most important meaning. Those who have inclination toward ancient period with common principal in their inclination for ancient Iran, are different in motives.
   It seems, the most prominent motives for considering Iran Ancient are: revival of national identity, exaggerated optimism to ward ancient Iran, healing inferiority complex against foreigner and fight  against  Islam, criticism  from  present circumstances, motivation of national proud and invincibility.
 
 

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 Domination of thetraditionaldiscoursein Qajar era created the discoursesandsubdiscourses amongdifferent groupsof society that emerged as resistance against traditional discourse. Amongthese sub discourseswere sub discourses ofthe womenthatcamein the shadowof somediscourses. The purpose of this paper is to analyze women’s resistance sub discourses, their challenges and interactions from a sociological standpoint through studying their writings and publications in Qajar era. In this study we aim to address the following questions:What topics were the women concerned with regarding the rethinking of their situation during the Qajar era? To what categories and sub-discourses they belong and what ideologies govern their discourses?In succeeding the official discourse of the Qajar era what positions did they achieve? The analysisof women’s sub-discourses show that radical sub-discourse aims to createfundamentalchanges, while the moderate sub-discourse follows the available demands.    

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The present study titled "the effects of social and economic modernization on the occurrence of the Constitutional Revoloution in Iran" seeks to present the economical and social innovation achieved during Qajar period and also discusses the role and effects of these innovations in encouraging Iranian people for political participation and overthrowing Qajar dynasty. this study shows that the innovations occurred during Qajar period caused changes on old customs and introduced modernism and new styles of social life.  It also, taught new concepts like freedom and law to the Iranian people. Struggling to achieve the above goals and to protect the country, the people decided to become united. By establishing the parliament, they limited the power of the monarchy and made a way for people to participate in governing their country. Today this unity and interference is called political participation.  The method of this research is historical comparative and the method of data gathering is library and documentary.  

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    Abstract The Constitutional revolution in Iran at the late Qajarid dynasty resulted from a coalition of middle classes; however, it failed to be consolidated. This paper applies the structural-institutional approach to explain the instability of constitutional achievements and fragile coalitions between the revolutionaries. Five structural-institutional factors will be discussed as the causes of fragile coalitions. Analytical narrative is the method for explaining events. A matrix of institutional arrangements including imbalanced class structure, economic deficiencies, world-system situation, and incapacitated state were identified as the main factors that created instability. But the effect of weakly founded political institutions of constitutional period was the most important factor of the fragile coalitions, which resulted in conflicts between the political actors, loose agreements, and lack of structured system of decision making and achieving common aims.        

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With regard to cultural studies approach and quality method, This research tries to represents the educational system ideas from Era of constitutionalism until Political Open Space in 1320s in order to perceive it in spite of its democratic nature of social changes, and also focuses on how authoritarian ideology were represented in educational system. Besides, according to constitutional revolution, forming of quasi-modern and national movement, have democratic ideas been instructed or not? This research by study of educational system as an important Ideological system in reproduction of power shows that during this period, content and the way of teaching of educational system were adapted with authoritarian discourse that was ruled between dualisms of school / family relation and sensitive subject of school was under inspiration and dictating of some mechanisms such as: authoritarianism, assimilation, dualism, conservatism, fatalism, tenderness, virtue, weaken of self- confidence and patience. Meanwhile there wasn't seemed to be any different and conflict discourse encounter with authoritarian discourse during this period.  

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The sociological study of the impact of the clergy's approaches, on the transition to democratic procedures of governing the society, has many advantages over the theological study of relationship between religion and democracy. This impact can be inferred and began from social movements of the first half of 20th century in Iran. The most appropriate approach for investigating this issue is comparative-historical analysis, and three democratic transitions in three historical periods- Constitutional Movement, the Nationalist Movement in the first cabinet of Mussadegh, and the Nationalist Movement in his second cabinet- are appropriate for comparison. Theoretical studies in the areas of cultural change (Secularization theories regarding modernity and religion), social change (world-system theories and social movements), and political change (transition theories), provides a useful theoretical framework from which it can be extracted a model to explain the transition in Iran, according to the conditions of Iran's history and the world during the period. This model will be on the basis of historical comparison of the three democratic transitions, and will be examined by method of agreement, Boolean analysis and ordinal comparison. In this scientific test, accurate understanding of causal factors in the transition to democracy in Iran will be provided. Theoretical and practical revisions of religious elites in the face of the modern world, as well as, contexts, causes and political consequences of the transitions will be clarified by narrative analysis, and finally, the position of the clergy's approaches among the causal factors of the transition will be understood. Religious leaders were influenced by macro transition contexts, and they created relatively stable and unstable changes in religious institution. Their appropriate and inappropriate positions to the transition process and their effective functioning in transition process are usually important to the transition.

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With regard to cultural studies approach and quality method, This research tries to represents the educational system ideas from Era of constitutionalism until Political Open Space in 1320s in order to perceive it in spite of its democratic nature of social changes, and also focuses on how authoritarian ideology were represented in educational system. Besides, according to constitutional revolution, forming of quasi-modern and national movement, have democratic ideas been instructed or not? This research by study of educational system as an important Ideological system in reproduction of power shows that during this period, content and the way of teaching of educational system were adapted with authoritarian discourse that was ruled between dualisms of school / family relation and sensitive subject of school was under inspiration and dictating of some mechanisms such as: authoritarianism, assimilation, dualism, conservatism, fatalism, tenderness, virtue, weaken of self- confidence and patience. Meanwhile there wasn't seemed to be any different and conflict discourse encounter with authoritarian discourse during this period.    

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Mohammad Jafar Habibzadeh Associate Professor, Department of Law, Tarbiat Modarres University Seyed Doraid Mousavi Mojab Ph.D. Student of Criminal Law and Criminology, Tarbiat Modarres University  The necessity to protect to parliament and its members led to determine and assure a particular privilege named parliamentary immunity in the Constitutions or ordinary laws of majority of the countries. This legal institution has been predicted to provide freedom of speech and to maintain the independence of representatives (members of parliament) in order to do their duty favorably. To define and justify the necessity of it, different theories I ike "good service theory" and "the prestige of representatives' legal personality" have been introduced. In this regard, "Doctrine of Necessity" is presented as the most important theoretical basis. The legal supports which observe the parliamentary immunity, can be generally studied in two categories with distinct descriptions and effects. First, it demonstrates the benefits and utilization of immunity by the representatives for their statements, opinions, and the cast of votes in order to do their duty as representative, which idiomatically is called "the principle of non-liability". Second, it supports the members of parliament against legal proceedings, arrest. imprisonment and the rest judicial measures, except by the permission and allowance of the respective parliament, because of irrelevant exercises and non - parliamentary duties and prevents the possibility of immediate prosecution of MPs because of the attributed crimes. This kind of immunity which is practically is the logical consequence of the non-liability principle of representatives before their parliamentary duties, is named "the principle of inviolability". The stand of every country of the world in relation to the various forms of parliamentary immunity is a little bit different. In some countries, one of these two forms and in others. both of them are accepted to guarantee the whole immunity of MPs. Respectively, the first approach is called solo and the second one is called integrative. In Iran, the first approach depended on the non-liability of representatives because of their statements has been accepted in Art: 86 of the Constitution. The accuracy of this acceptance is approvable from the dynamic Fiqh’s point of view and the expediencies and existing necessities require to go along with the rest of countries which accepted the principle of parliamentary immunity.

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The abundance of Iranian jokes, especially about the elite governors of the Qajar era, is important to examine their position in the political life of the mass. Conciseness and irony, as well as the inherent attraction of humor, have fostered the spread of these jokes in society and made them an effective tool in the political struggle of the mass. The question is whether these jokes seek to disrupt one of the official narrative sections of the government and which areas of domination have been denied? Our hypothesis is that among these jokes, the ones that challenged the authority of the state and the inherent nature of its components for the general public have a special place. In the case of jokes denying the authority of the state, there is a clear disobedience of the mass representative to the representative of the government, which leads to the success of representative of the mass, and in the jokes that confront the claims of superior elites, significant personal weaknesses were observed. Simultaneously by this jokes, people challenged the domination of power and dignity, and their efforts were aimed more at neutralizing domination. The theoretical framework of research is based on the theory of "hidden narratives" by James C. Scott, who tried to explain the resistance of the mass to openly criticize power without protest. So far, no research has been done to analyze the political jokes of the pre-constitution period.
 

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Mostafa Kamaljoo, Ph.D.
Alireza Porshabanan
   
Abstract
The poetry of the Constitutional era bears new concepts and forms which has become popular with critical, political and social attitudes to a high extent and therefore found plenty of readers. Still it has several similarities with the classical poetry in its superstructure and form; one of these aspects is the application of Arabic in the poetry of this era. Dehkhoda is a poet of the Constitutional era whose usage of Arabic as a major feature has made his poetry similar to the poetry of the past in form and structure. One of the important reasons for such similarity is the high frequency of Arabic words, phrases, hemistich and verses. This article tries to categorize Dehkhoda's poetry in topic in his book of poetry (Divan) regarding the Arabic words, phrases and verses used in order to survey how Dehkhoda has applied Arabic. Further on this analysis will clarify the extent to which the usage of Arabic is in line with the new thoughts and contents in the poetry of the Constitutional era, in addition to revealing the influence of the past poetry and thought.
 

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Despite its importance in the process of political modernity in Iran, ‘Iranian Constitutionalism’ has been scarcely studied from the viewpoint of nation-building/ nationalism ideologies. From the perspective of historical sociology, constitutionalism paved the way for the appearance of the multiple images of Iranian nationalism emerging from the 19^th century. Iranian constitutionalism encountered, on one hand, the emergence of political nationalism based on the sovereignty of nation and the rule of law, and the reaction of cultural nationalism, on the other hand. Although the expedient, short-term convergence of these nationalistic tendencies at the beginning of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution was fruitful in some respects, the divergence of these tendencies and the escalating conflict between them throughout the process of constitutionalism reveal restrictive, substantial contrasts in the process of Iranian political nationalism. The multiplicity of Iranian nationalism due to the diversity of values and cultural resources and the divergent orientations of the nationalistic tendencies in the Iranian constitutionalism undermined the possibility of agreement on a comprehensive definition of nation and the establishment and institutionalization of the sovereignty of nation and the rule of law. Thus, from the Constitutional Revolution onward ‘the issue of nation’ and ‘the sovereignty of nation’ have remained the focus of attention of discussions as the most important issues in contemporary Iran.    

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Standardization of Language has two general forms: Sometimes a language comes to be standard language and maintains its standard status without direct and conscious involvement, influenced by various linguistic, cultural, social and political factors, and sometimes this process is fulfilled with some kind of planning and previous preparation. Usually these two forms of standardization are at work simultaneously. These forms, therefore, can be seen as different modes of standardization not types of it.
In this paper, we attempt to explain various aspects of planned standardization of Persian in contemporary period, comparing the standardization of Persian in pre and post Constitution periods. The main objective is to clarify conscious aspects of the standardization of Persian language in contemporary period in light of comparative study of pre and post Constitution periods, and to provide the ground for criticizing planning for standardization of Persian language in contemporary period. The comparison of these two periods is accompanied with an overview of the historical, social and cultural background, and is based on Haugen’s theory of language standardization and language planning phases.
The standardization of Persian language in pre-Mashrute period, although sometimes has planned aspects, and some related activities accompany with linguistic, social and cultural insights, in general is considered natural standardization; therefore the process is not ruled by planned mode of standardization.
Post Constitution period is the period of planned standardization; although some planned activities were failed, and some natural processes maintain Persian language in standard status.
This paper has adopted a macro view and is based upon the theories of sociolinguistics and sociology of language.
 
 

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The study of Aref Qazvini’s relationship with some of the most prominent intellectuals of his time and the ups and downs of these relationships will shed light on his worldview. Pessimism, suspicion, hysterical reactions, and aggressive behavior coupled with sensitivity and honesty are characteristics of Aref’s capricious interaction with fellow writers and figures of his time. His friendships and hostilities were not permanent and this led to his alienation from his friends. To this we should add his revolutionary attitude along with his jingoism that further alienated him from his contemporary intellectuals. This article discusses the roots of Aref’s conflicts by studying his letters, diaries, and other documents. I will focus specifically on his interaction with Hassan Taghizadeh, Ashrafoldin Gilani, Ahmad Kasravi, Mohammad-Taqi Bahar, Waheed Dastgerdi and Reza Shah.            

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Abstract
   

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Rumors about the rulers formed an important part of the political culture of the people in the pre-constitutional period. Therefore, it is very important to know the role of rumor in the political action of the subordinates and its function in the face of domination. Our research questions are: In which part of the political life of the people was spreading rumors used? And which of the domains did it challenge? Our assumption is that rumor was used in all three main approaches of the subordinates: denying the official narrative of the government, thwarting the strategies of the rulers in shaping this narrative, establishing dialogue with the hegemons, and paving the way for rebellion. Rumors cast doubt on the capability of the government’s military forces. It denied the claim of inherent superiority of the ruling elites. It also rejected the ruler’s adherence to religious precepts. Some rumors also incited the people to revolt. In addition, people turned their hopes and aspirations into rumors as an excuse to reduce exploitation. The theoretical framework of the research is the theory of hidden transcripts by James C. Scott. He has tried to identify and explain the methods of the lower classes to resist domination.

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The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran suffers from a Paradox and a Contradiction crisis in relation to Human Dignity. This contradiction, real and fixed, has two internal and external aspects. Namely, the various principles of the Constitution (including the principles 2, 3, 4, 12, 13, 14, 20, 21, 115, 163) are not only inconsistent with each other but also with the International law of Human Dignity and International Human Right's law. The form of this inconsistency is "Contradictory" or "Contrary". Because the constitution recognizing the inherent dignity of man has laid down provisions witch are completely contrary to it's requirements and necessities. The main roots of this crisis must be searched in the opposite approaches are there among the philosophers and scholars about the dignity of man. Already, many solutions such as "Resorting to the Rules of Absolute, and Stipulated, General and Special". "Priority of the constitution to the other rules", "Jurisprudence of Expediency or Expediency of Government (Figh- al Maslaha)", "Necessity or Distress", have been proposed to resolve this paradox. But, in my opinion, none of these mechanisms can resolve this problem, permanently. In order to resolve this paradox, we must, inevitably, accept and recognize the inherent dignity of man as a natural, human and religious fact, by reviewing the epistemological, philosophical and anthropological foundations and principles (Ijtehad kalan).To put an end to this crisis, it is necessary, to review that principles of the constitution and other provisions is contradictory to the inherent dignity of man. By making such an effort we can establish social economical, political and criminal justice. Of course, considering the difference is there between the two groups of human rights, namely "Civil and Political rights" and "Economic, Social and Cultural rights", to differentiate between human beings in the latter one won't be contradictory won't be contradictory to human dignity. Because, as Plato and Aristotle have said, Justice is in proportionality nor in equality in this kind of rights.

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Lullaby is a kind of motherly song which is used to put infants into sleep, but one type of formal literature in the constitutional period inspired by these lullabies targeted the awareness and awakening of common people. The current research explores Mirza Ali Akbar Saber (1279-1329), Abulghasem Lahuti (1264-1336), and Sayed Ashrafaldin Gilani’s (1352-1287) lullabies. The goal of this study is to introduce these types of lullabies, the reasons of their songs, the analysis of their structures and contents, and the differences of such types of lullabies with the conventional ones. The methodology of this research is descriptive-analytical. The data was gathered by library and document analysis. The results indicated that the lullabies were formed under social, political, and psychological circumstances of that period. The secret of success of this type of poem in communicating with its addressees in transacting political issues and making the people aware lies in its simple language, traditional literature, the naturalness of literary methods, and the avoidance of intricacy. Finally, the results illustrated two different discourses by the poets of these poems which are investigated in this study.