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Showing 4 results for Social Movements


Volume 12, Issue 2 (2-2021)
Abstract

Abstract
Scholars of the history of the Iranian Constitutional Revolution have studied the economic Causes of that Revolution and emphasized the inefficient role of Macroeconomic Structure, Corruption, budget deficit, lack of economic infrastructure, foreign debt, and the negative consequences of iran’s orbiting capitalist economic relations. The present article, while confirming the role of the mentioned factors in creating the beginning of the Constitutional Movement in iran, has considered the economic Causes of the Constitutional Revolution from the perspective of the role of Livelihood factors and examines this issue by emphasizing the basic question that: has the living conditions of iran, in the decade leading up to the Constitutional Revolution, influenced the beginning of thr Iranian Constitutional Movement? The hypothesis of the present Study is that the damages caused by irans political economy in the decade leading up to the Constitutional Revolution were significantly reflected in the living conditions of the people and this caused a crisis in livelihood and consequently general dissatisfaction and revolt and with the unresponsiveness and ineffectiveness of dissatisfaction and revolts, the way has been paved for the Constitutional Revolution. The findings of the study show that The livelihood crisis provided the basis for the formation of livelihood riots and subsequent political demands in the Constitutional Revolution.  The method of the present study is historical with adescriptive – analytical approach. The aim of this study is to explain the relationship between economic variables and the revolutionary movement of Iranian Constitutionalism.


Volume 13, Issue 2 (3-2022)
Abstract

At the end of the Shah Tahmaseb‘s reign, Tabriz, the first capital city of the Safavids, witnessed the movement of the Guilds against the central government. The event triggered the movement was a small scale one, originally arising from a physical conflict between a butcher and a gunman, but swiftly transformed into a mass movement, spread throughout the city. This was a well-organized and multilayered movement in which the Guild constituted the body of the movement and the athletes, the top leadership. To mobilize the movement, they, both, organized their supporters and political advocates around the goals, determined for the movement. Although, the existing resources, from that period, concerning the movement, seems either to maintain the movement in a total obscurity or at least in poor attention and deliberation, some evidences, otherwise, verify, in a convincible manner, that the activists involved in the movement, reached a remarkable achievement by expelling the government authorities from Tabriz, and replacing them in controlling and running the city for the period of two years. Based on a descriptive-analytic approach, along with a theoretical framework constructed from the theoretical perspectives of thinkers such as Tilly, Zald, merged within the class-based approach of Erik Olin Wright, the present article, is an attempt to provide a typology of the movement, and also to proceed further to inquire on the reasons and mechanisms through which this movement came into existence. This research discusses that the Guilds movement instantiates a low class civil movement which should be explained first and foremost as a protest against the oppressive taxation policy, implemented by the current government accompanied by a long term deprivation of the majority of the population from the economical benefits of the Silk Road. The collective nature of this movement, according to the suggested theoretical framework, can be categorized as reactionary actions with a slight orientation toward competitive ones.

Saeid Madani Ghahfarokhi, Mohammad Ali Mohammadi Ghareghani,
Volume 26, Issue 1 (8-2019)
Abstract

During the struggle against the Qajar tyranny, struggling leaders went to the Shah Abdul Azim Shrine to hold a sit-in against the Shah Mosque Case and foot whipping of Tehran sugar merchants. The demonstrators in Paragraph 4 of their demands, as mentioned by Nazem al-Islam Kermani, the initial demands of refugees, called for the establishment of a justice system. According to this report, and many other evidences, justice, always has been a lasting and permanent matter for the Iranian society. Recent surveys show that justice should still be considered as one of the main demands of the Iranian society. The debate about justice and social movements is constantly changing, and thinkers in this area are constantly revising their ideas. The aim of this study is to elaborate these changes and to discuss the place of justice in new social movements that refers to a range of collective actions with purpose of changing in one or all of the institutions. The emergence of new social movements brought about new ways of expressing demands and protests, and a wide range of collective behavior forms, which, in terms of goals, nature and method of struggle, had a fundamental difference with earlier movements. In fact, with the advent of modernity, the calculations of traditional society were collapsed and, with the advent of postmodernity, new demands were created largely due to development of higher education and autonomy of individuals. Accordingly, new social movements emerged in a broader context of discourses, subcultures, ideological straggle, and identity diversity, and were spread in the form of new discourses.  

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