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Revolutionary regimes have different nature and appear in various forms. In some circumstances, the revolutions make military, party and individual dictatorship. In some situations, they provide democratic regimes. Therefore, the revolutions, as an agent, do not make democratic or authoritarian régime. Social, economic and cultural conditions of the society (political ideology) and the type of toppled regime will determine the nature of the revolutionary regime. The Islamic Republic in Iran, as a revolutionary regime, cannot be explained by the theory of democratization and secularization. The formation of the Islamic Republic of Iran requires another explanation. In viwe of democratization and secularization process, the government of faghieh and, Islamic nature are problems. The nature of revolutionary regime is depended on various factors such as: international structure, the nature of the toppled regime, structure of power, civil society and political culture. According to this article, theory of political culture (the diminished political ideology) seeks to clarify this issue in the first decade of the Islamic Revolution of Iran (1978 - 1988). The Method used in this study is the strategies of case study. The results showed that, the type of political ideology of leaders and elites could partly explain the problem. The ideology of the political leaders and elites established Islamism system. Also the Islamic Republican ideology of Imam Khomein (Rah) and representatives of Assembly of Experts make Republicanism system.

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This paper tries to assess the strata structure of Iran urban society by using We berian approach in Islamic republic of Iran during the two decades of 1970s-1980s. Based on this approach, the strata structure is assessed in three dimensions: economic activity instrument, expert and capacity, and life opportunities. The historical methodology was used and data sources were 1986 and 1996 by Iran Statistics Centre. Investigation results showed, in spite of implementing the development programs after the revolution, traditional rapport has been dominated between the employers, and the independent personnel of this traditional rapport has been increased after the revolution. Medial strata has been increased as a result of medial expansion politics of the government, especially in the governmental section. But in the private section has come down because of underling staff and employee activities.

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The Karabakh crisis, which flared again with the Azerbaijani army's attacks on Armenian forces in the region on 20^th of November in 2020, is rooted in the crises and differences between the Armenian and Azerbaijani people since the formation of the Soviet Union. The second Karabakh war ended 44 days after the victory of the Azerbaijani army and the signing of a tripartite ceasefire agreement by the leaders of Russia, Azerbaijan and Armenia on the 20th of November. These wars and conflicts, which after a period of intense conflict eventually led to a temporary ceasefire between the two countries, with the intervention of Russia, took place while ambiguities and important questions remained unanswered about the past, present and future of the Caucasus geopolitical region and the implications of current developments in the Nagorno-Karabakh crisis for neighboring countries. In recent decades, the Islamic Republic of Iran has not been able to take advantage of the geopolitical opportunities in Central Asia and the Caucasus as it should. Now, the issue that rapid and serious developments have taken place in the Caucasus, especially in the relations between the Republic of Azerbaijan and Armenia, has paved the way for new dual conditions for Iranian politicians and has created opportunities and reciprocal threats that, if not dealt with intelligently, will not only have no benefits for Iran, but it will inflict heavy losses on our country. The issues addressed in this article as the geopolitical implications of the 2020 Karabakh war are considerations and concerns which might may create problems for Iran in the future. It goes without saying that the active presence and strong diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in this region, especially in the current sensitive situation, can turn many of the existing threats into opportunities and eliminate the existing concerns. It should be noted that the Karabakh crisis and its developments so far show a deeper and broader policy for the entire Greater Caucasus and even Southwest Asia, a deep policy whose geopolitical implications can be very influential for some regional actors such as Iran.

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The purpose of this study is to analyze the challenges of political marketing with the approach of using the soft power of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Categories related to each of them were extracted using content analysis method and these 6 groups were ranked using Friedman test by SPSS26 software. According to the results, the highest ranking was given to the techniques used in international political marketing with the approach of diplomacy, media power, ideological power, cultural power, economic power and management system power. Persuasion and third place became the most prominent dimension of international political marketing, namely national identity. Iran's current position in terms of identity, international prestige and economic identity ranks fourth, restrictions on the use of political marketing ranks fifth with unique ideological approach, financial challenges and theoretical poverty and the most effective Iranian foreign policy discourse ranks sixth with de-escalation and balance discourse approach. Finally, the analytical model of political marketing affected by limitations, necessities and the most significant dimension using effective techniques and the best discourse in promoting Iran's current position in the economic field and strengthening the international image are presented. Practical suggestions are also provided based on research questions for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Economic Deputy of this agency and non-governmental organizations including the Red Crescent and other responsible agencies and organizations.

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Introduction
Development plans define the strategy, framework and pattern of governance and political management of space, and these programs address the various dimensions and aspects of governance, one of the most important aspects of which is the environmental dimension. In this study, the environmental governance of the constructive discourse is presented with emphasis on the first and second development plans of the Islamic Republic of Iran and using the thematic analysis method in the form of statements, open coding, sub-themes, main themes, organizing themes, and a visual Macro of the environmental dimensions of the constructive discourse.
Methodology
The study of the environmental dimensions of the first and the second development plans of the Islamic Republic of Iran has been done using grounded theory. Accordingly, after studying all the development plans, 112 statements have been extracted separately for each plan. In accordance with the statements extracted from the development plans, 178 basic concepts (open coding) were identified. Then, considering the content subscriptions of the open coding, 52 sub-themes and 14 main themes were generated based on theoretical foundations, ecology refer to experts and researcher diagnosis. Organizing themes include economic, social, political-administrative, diplomacy, ecological, service, legal, and cultural and security dimensions. In addition, the network of themes for the environmental dimensions of constructive discourse has been drawn according to the main themes and organizing themes separately from the development plans.
Results and discussion
By reviewing the first and second development plans, the following can be mentioned in constructive discourse:
The political-administrative dimension and themes of "good governance", "decentralization," and "spatial planning" have the highest frequency in the open coding. In relation to this theme, only 1 basic concept has been extracted. The social dimension, which is defined by the themes of "welfare and social development" and "family planning", has a high frequency. The sub-theme "support for vulnerable groups" has the most open coding. The economic dimension is very important in constructive discourse. The main theme of "green economy," with 24 frequencies, confirms this issue. The sub-theme "optimization of energy consumption" is the most frequent in the economic aspect of this discourse. For the ecological dimension with the main themes of "environmental protection and rehabilitation", ecology adaptation" and "climate change management", 24 basic concepts have been extracted, which shows the prominence and boldness of this dimension and its themes in the constructive discourse. The cultural dimension with the main theme of "consumption pattern improvement" and 17 basic concepts has a relatively high frequency. The dimension of diplomacy and the theme of "environmental diplomacy" have only 5 basic concepts, which shows this dimension has not been given much attention. The legal dimension with the theme of "environmental rights" and five basic concepts shows that constructive discourse has paid little attention to this theme. Regarding the theme of "environmental security," which is under the security dimension, 5 basic concepts have been extracted, which shows the unimportance of this theme. The service dimension and theme of "green transportation," with 3 basic concepts, have the least frequency.
Conclusions
In the constructive discourse, the emphasis on the social and political-administrative dimensions of environmental governance is more prominent than its other dimensions. Also, family planning policies and population growth management and control are themes and concepts that were raised only in the first and second development plans and during the constructive discourse. On the other hand, the theme of "environmental diplomacy" is very faint and is only assigned one basic concept in the first development plan; it is not mentioned in the second plan, and the diplomatic dimension of environmental governance is very weak in the constructive discourse. In addition, the themes of "spatial planning" and "climate change management" are only mentioned a little in the second development plan, and in the first development plan, these themes are not observed.

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Introduction
One of the centers of regional crisis is Afghanistan in the east of Iran. This country has common cultural, social, religious and political structures with Iran, but due to the weakness of political structures, it has been the center of geopolitical competition of regional and global powers. Due to its geographical proximity on the one hand and the competition of the powers, it is one of the geopolitical regions that can have many effects on Iran's regional actions. Therefore, Iran is bound to play a geopolitical role in this region. One of the most important reasons for the importance of Iran's role in the East, especially in today's Afghanistan, is activities of the groups that are religiously sympathetic to the Taliban. Therefore, national interests require Iran to prevent these groups from approaching radicalism through regional de-escalation. During the sanctions period, the Afghan market is one of the main markets for Iran's exports, the dependence of Sistan and Baluchistan province in eastern Iran on Hirmand River can be better achieved by maintaining the relationship with the Taliban, and finally, being present in Afghanistan prevents the country from turning into the backyard of Iran's regional and extra-regional rivals.

Methodology
The research method is applied in terms of purpose and is descriptive-analytic in terms of method and nature. Data gathering procedure is based on library findings. The statistical population of the research consists of experts and professors of the university and fields related to geopolitics, geostrategy and geoculture, and the sample size was determined based on Cochran's model of 50 people. In order to analyze the findings, the average test was used in SPSS software.

Results and discussion
The factors of Iran's role-playing in the geopolitical region of the East with an emphasis on Afghanistan are subject to relevant factors and variables at three internal, regional and extra-regional "global" levels. In this context, the ambiguous future indicators of power in Afghanistan and Iran's capabilities in playing its role, ethnic diversity in Afghanistan and the Pashtuns' role in power and the roles played by the Islamic Republic with regard to its civilizational characteristics in Afghanistan and playing a role, the Islamic Republic of Iran is considered as one of the main and most important factors in the geopolitical region of the East in terms of building universities and scientific centers in Afghanistan and Pakistan and producing knowledge and increasing general literacy in Afghanistan, and the influencing factors. The role of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the fields of increasing the construction of cultural bases such as Basij, seminaries, knowledge centers and cultural centers, etc. is prominent. Preventing illegal immigration on the borders of Pakistan and Afghanistan has not been successful. In the context of evaluating Iran's role-playing achievements in the direction of securing the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the East, 12 indicators were presented, and the results showed that factors such as Iran's achievements in solving hydropolitical disputes with Afghanistan, Iran's achievements in the construction of the Chabahar Free Zone, Iran's achievements in the field of spreading the Persian language in Afghanistan and Iran's roles in preventing the spread of the Salafist ideology of Arab countries such as Saudi Arabia are the most achievements for Iran in the East, and finally factors such as Iran's role in preventing the transit of narcotics on the borders of Pakistan and Afghanistan and Iran's role in preventing arms smuggling in the borders of the peripheral east are not considered as the achievements of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the peripheral east.

Conclusions
The results showed that Iran's role-playing in the geopolitical region of its peripheral east, with an emphasis on Afghanistan, will be subject to relevant factors and variables at three internal, regional and extra-regional "global" levels, and the greatest share of this role-playing includes extra-regional factors. Also, factors such as Iran's achievements in the field of settling hydropolitical disputes with Afghanistan, Iran's achievements in the field of establishing the Chabahar Free Zone, Iran's achievements in the field of spreading the Persian language in Afghanistan and Iran's roles in preventing the spread of Salafist ideology in Arab countries such as Saudi Arabia will bring the most achievements for Iran in its peripheral east.

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Introduction 
The United Arab Emirates is a member of the Gulf Cooperation Council, which, while having economic relations with Iran, has a conflict of interest with the Islamic Republic of Iran in regional and international policies. As a result, it has allied with the United States and Saudi Arabia in carrying out various actions against the national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This article analyzes the factors of convergence and divergence of Iran's foreign policy towards the United Arab Emirates. This research seeks an answer to the following question: “what are the factors of convergence and divergence of Iran's foreign policy towards the United Arab Emirates?”
Methodology
The research is descriptive-analytic and the data collection method is based on library and field finding method. Given that foreign policy is a systemic and integrated concept, the DEMATEL technique is used to determine the cause-and-effect relationships between variables. For this purpose, a paired comparison questionnaire was provided to 50 researchers in the fields of political geography, political science, and geopolitics.
Findings
The convergent and divergent factors of Iran's foreign policy towards the United Arab Emirates were examined based on 20 criteria and indicators. In general, variables such as different perspectives on international politics, the UAE's armed forces, military treaties, disagreements on the Yemen issue, the adoption of an aggressive strategy by Ansarullah, UAE Shiites, Saudi-UAE disputes, and convergence with Saudi Arabia in the region indicate high interaction and strong systemic connection with other variables. The variables such as Iran and the UAE's territorial disputes over three Iranian islands, military costs, natural problems, Washington's failure to form an international maritime coalition, different perspectives on international politics, the UAE's armed forces, and military treaties are considered as the cause of this systemic model. And factors such as fear from increasing the influence of the Islamic Republic of Iran, lack of efficient manpower, lack of the U.S military response, type of government, and internal disputes between the emirates are among the effects.
Conclusion
Iran's foreign policy towards the Persian Gulf countries, including the UAE, is important. The UAE has a suitable regional weight. It is one of five or six active players in West Asia and East Africa, and has used its economic weight as a major oil producer to create and maintain this status. It is a leading regional player (along with Qatar) in transforming its energy resources into a powerful and diversified global economy based on services, finance, trade, and logistics. Iran could benefit from deeper trade and economic ties with the UAE, particularly Dubai and Abu Dhabi, to strengthen its economy. These ties could include access to UAE markets and increased re-exports of goods, particularly oil, which would generally benefit both countries.
 

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The World in the 21th century is filled with competition, development of new arising markets, uncertain environmental factors, wide use of high technology and the expansion of trade. Successful achievement in this World requires to use opportunities efficiently and remove challenging obstacles. This requires to know the internal and external environments and stay in this competitive World by designing an effective strategy. This paper aims to design and formulate organizational and functional strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s Customs (IRIC). To this end, strategic factors are first identified in the internal and external environments and then a questionnaire is designed to collect information. Using a sample of custom’s senior and middle managers and experts, the questionnaire is screened by Delphi method. Based on the internal and external Factors, a matrix is calculated. Moreover, based on the strategic factors, guidelines, suggestions and requirements of the World Customs Organizational (WCO), the fourth Iranian development plan and the World Trade Organization (WTO), the mission, Vision and objectives of the IRIC are formulated. Then the internal and external matrixex, the strengths, weaknesses, Opportunities and threats (SWOT) matrix are analyzed by using the strategic factors and the results of the internal and external evaluation matrixes. In addition, the quantitative strategic planning is proposed and the IRIC’S strategies are prioritized. Finally, the IRIC’s organizational strategy are designed.

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The Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran suffers from a Paradox and a Contradiction crisis in relation to Human Dignity. This contradiction, real and fixed, has two internal and external aspects. Namely, the various principles of the Constitution (including the principles 2, 3, 4, 12, 13, 14, 20, 21, 115, 163) are not only inconsistent with each other but also with the International law of Human Dignity and International Human Right's law. The form of this inconsistency is "Contradictory" or "Contrary". Because the constitution recognizing the inherent dignity of man has laid down provisions witch are completely contrary to it's requirements and necessities. The main roots of this crisis must be searched in the opposite approaches are there among the philosophers and scholars about the dignity of man. Already, many solutions such as "Resorting to the Rules of Absolute, and Stipulated, General and Special". "Priority of the constitution to the other rules", "Jurisprudence of Expediency or Expediency of Government (Figh- al Maslaha)", "Necessity or Distress", have been proposed to resolve this paradox. But, in my opinion, none of these mechanisms can resolve this problem, permanently. In order to resolve this paradox, we must, inevitably, accept and recognize the inherent dignity of man as a natural, human and religious fact, by reviewing the epistemological, philosophical and anthropological foundations and principles (Ijtehad kalan).To put an end to this crisis, it is necessary, to review that principles of the constitution and other provisions is contradictory to the inherent dignity of man. By making such an effort we can establish social economical, political and criminal justice. Of course, considering the difference is there between the two groups of human rights, namely "Civil and Political rights" and "Economic, Social and Cultural rights", to differentiate between human beings in the latter one won't be contradictory won't be contradictory to human dignity. Because, as Plato and Aristotle have said, Justice is in proportionality nor in equality in this kind of rights.

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The present Research has surveyed the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran vis-à-vis the Republic of Azerbaijan. Based on some of the most important geographical and geopolitical realities that exist between the two states, by presenting one main question and two hypotheses, used as guide into a thorough geopolitical assessment of the issue. Based on the findings, we come to this conclusion that the none-cordial disposition of the Republic of Azerbaijan towards Iran, and some of the uncharted pasturings and unspecified strategies by the Islamic Republic of Iran render ineffective so many positively positoned areas of common geographical and/or geopolitical interests such as territorial contiguity, common religious tendency (both Shiite), common ethnicity, common economic interests (agricultural and irrigation possibilities), common cultural and historical backgrounds. Unfortunately, the continued policies between the two states have further made all these possibilities to render ineffective. The main outcome of the research shows that some of the issue are resultant from a suspected nationalistic disposition on the part of the Iranians; and similarly, a persistent attitude of none cordiality from the Azeris. Moreover, the Republic of Azerbaijan has yet to present a logical and pragmatic reason to explain its negative diplomatic strategy against the Islamic Republic of Iran That could justify its distrustful policy towards iran. The research consequently has proposed the following general aims and strategies to be implemented in Iran’s faring policy towards the Republic of Azerbaijan: General aim: the faring policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in relation to the Republic of Azerbaijan is determined by geographical and geopolitical realities that exist between the two states. Strategy: to develop mutual relations based on the need for neighborly dispositions, to understand the geopolitical dictates of time and space, common national interests and aims,economic cooperation,and to explore other avenues that would develop mutual trust in order to broaden cooperation between the two states.

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This research is a comparative study of the two discourses of the religious intellectual of the 40s and the discourse of the Islamic Revolution. In this essay, the author first used the epistemological framework of Lacla and Mouffe's theory and its methodological strategy to articulate these discourses based on their central slab. Shariati, with a sociological point of view, was able to present a political image of Islam centered on "revolutionary-social Islam", and the forerunner of the Islamic Revolution. In the continuation of this discourse, the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, also with a jurisprudential approach, with the focus of "pure Islam" as the central axis in the epicenter of the epistemological and thematic, of all political movements after the Islamic Revolution, with the same discursive components, was able to reproduce in a newer and more different form of production and theorize. Findings of the research indicate that both discourses, based on the belief in the combination of religion and politics with a relatively democratic approach and through the use of the "nations and pontificate" system, were able to establish their ideal state which, in contrast to totalitarian systems, religion the traditional and supportive clerics led to the marginalization of the dominant discourse and ruling of the era, the "Pahlavi’s discourse”. Both of these discourses, with the limitations of the powers of the leadership, however, despite the differences in the form and content, were able to emphasize the role of the people and their influence on the choice.

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Philosophical sketch of Immanuel Kant (1724-1804) on the primary conditions for Peace and co-existence between states is reflected in his Perpetual Peace. In Kant's view, three primary conditions of perpetual peace of a republican government in every country are based on a civil constitution, establishment of a federation of free states, and cosmopolitan right of individuals as world citizens. The foundations of republican system, i.e. freedom for all members of the society as human beings, belonging of each individual to a public code of law as subject, and equality before law as a citizen, are important in Kant's political philosophy. Two primary responsibilities for Kant's federation of free states, i.e. non-interference in the internal affairs of member states, and upholding of a unified front against extraterritorial aggression, suffer from ambiguity and inadequacy, and is therefore vulnerable. Kant's formulation of "a unified world government" is cautionary and conditional; for it can be ended to despotism and decline.

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This paper seeks to compare the model of publicsector in the economic model of I.R.I. Constitution and economies of WelfareStates. Thecomparison isbased on ideological principles and economic rules governing the public sector. We find that state role in both models properlyfollows the conventional economic literature on public sector, which focuses on naturalrole of state in the economy. Considering ideological literature and institutionalcapacity of state in both models, however, we find that I.R.I. constitution has moreinstitutional preferences compared with welfare state model. Primary source of this difference is inefficiencyof welfare state model, especially its inefficient system of economic norms (ideology) in practice which is extends far away from justice goals and wideninggaps in the economy. Normativeframework of public sector in economic model ofI.R.I. constitutionhas the capacity of securing economy from these inefficiencies. Regarding this, wepropose the state using the current fundamental capacity in the economic model of I.R.I. constitution, seeks grounding public participation towards constituted goals of the economy. As a practical approach, the state focusing on improvement and development ofeconomic culture, may achieve an efficient economic system through implementing economicjustice and revising the property movement pattern.

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Organic agriculture in the Czech Republic is taking on a greater importance: the number of the organic farms is increasing and the availability of bio products is rising too. The aim of this study was to evaluate and compare the economic situation of organic, biodynamic, and conventional farms by using financial analysis indicators, performance indicators, economic efficiency indicator, and multidimensional intercompany comparison methods. Furthermore, the subsidies impact on farms’ profits, sales, and return on assets indicators by a linear regression model with AR (AutoRegressive 1) process was analyzed. A total of 389 Czech farms receiving subsidies from 2007 to 2012 were selected. From these, 273 farms were conventional, 112 organic, and 4 biodynamic. Organic farms were the most profitable and got the best results on the economic efficiency indicator and took the first place in the intercompany comparison. Subsidies worsen the organic farms’ economic situation, however, without statistical significance. Biodynamic farms received the highest amount of subsidies. In some years, these farms did not gain profit. Despite the worst results of economic efficiency indicator, biodynamic farms were placed as second in the intercompany comparison. Subsidies improved the biodynamic farms’ economic situation (statistically insignificant) and could play a role as a motivating factor. Conventional farms had the highest values of input and output indicators (except profit) and they received the lowest amount of subsidies. Subsidies had a statistically significantly positive effect on the profitability of these farms, though with a negative effect on sales.

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In this paper we try to give a description of the juridical status of religious minorities, Muslim or otherwise, in the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. We also deal with the question of whether non-Muslim minorities are free to perform their religious practices and the extent of their freedom.

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The aim of this study was to define the ways of solving problems in food security at the expense of domestic production. The gross output of agricultural, forestry and fishery products was applied as the main cost indicator. Using data from the surveyed areas, the yield level per hectare across the entire crop area was determined. Balance model was divided into resource and distributive parts and involved data obtained in state statistical observations and reports from administrative sources. Thus, in the article, there are proposed measures to balance the related development of agricultural production and a rise in effective demand. There are recommended measures on public regulation of Agro-Industrial Complex (AIC) that have a systemic nature and include the maximum possible use of indirect instruments, Calculations have shown that these measures will increase the share of domestic food, namely, the overall volume of salable resources of the internal market. There is a need to improve the mechanisms of financial leasing of agricultural machinery and industrial equipment for the processing industry and support agriculture to the extent permitted by WTO terms with a focus on restoring the equivalent relationship between agriculture, industry, and trade.
 

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There are two main approaches in the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran; In the first approach, equal value to the principles of the constitution has not been considered and some of the principles are in a higher position so that the hierarchy of constitutional principles is considered. In the second approach, the constitution is regarded as integrated collection and no one has superiority over another and in case of any ambiguity, all the principles should be interpreted according to the principle of popular sovereignty. As a result, two different conception of popular sovereignty is conceivable that sometimes argued as different sovereignties; dual and single. There is a meaningful relationship between the notion of sovereignty in the constitution and the people's right to self-determination. The main research question is that, which concept of the sovereignty to be recognized by the constitution; dual or single? What is the impact of the recognition of each approache on the people's right to self - determination?
 

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Development plans define the strategy, framework, and pattern of governance and political management of space. These plans address various dimensions and aspects of governance, one of the most important aspects of which is the environmental dimension. This study, by using grounded theory in the form of a model of core categories, causal categories, context categories, interventionist categories, strategic categories, and consequences, answers the following question: what are the environmental dimensions of development plans in the Islamic Republic of Iran? After studying all development plans, 328 statements have been extracted separately for each plan. In accordance with the statements extracted in the development plans, 404 basic concepts (open coding) were identified. Then, considering content subscriptions of the open coding, 77 sub-categories and 16 main categories were generated. Also, using theoretical foundations, ecology, experts’ opinions, and researcher’s judgment axial coding was done. The results show that the main categories include axial categories ("Environmental Protection and Rehabilitation" and "Climate Change Management"), causal categories ("decentralization" and "institutional fit in accordance with environmental issues"), context categories (“environmental research,” Environmental diplomacy, environmental security, and family planning), interventionist categories (“welfare and social development” and “good governance”), strategic categories (“ecology adaptation,” “consumption pattern improvement,” and “spatial planning”), and consequences (“Green Economy” and “Green Transport”) interconnected in a paradigmatic framework.

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John Rawls introduced the idea of public reason as a precondition of decision-making processes based on justice in a well-ordered society. There are critics, however, who doubted whether the idea is consistent with deliberative democracy. While Rawls saw his idea of reasonable overlapping consensus as an outcome of public reasoning, his suggested political liberalism seems to be morally too thick to work as the basis of such a consensus in culturally diverse societies. Here, through a critical evaluation of Rawls’s view, I try to use his idea of public reason by reference to the brilliant distinction he makes between ‘the rational’ and ‘the reasonable’. I show that it is the latter, which defines the nature of ‘the political’, that could be employed for the relationship between different cultural identities of a society, governed by political principles justified by referring to thin or non-moral arguments that in turns allow liberal as well as non-liberal cultural communities to participate in a just framework of social cooperation. Moreover, I argue that this revised interpretation of Rawlsian overlapping consensus can help us in the democratic assessment of constitutions and revising them in order to became more legitimate to citizens. Using this theoretical framework, and as the Islamic Republic is claimed to represent a religious democracy, I suggest that the criterion of public reason can be used in assessing the Constitution of the Islamic Republic and, therefore, highlights the necessary revisions for achieving more democratic basic structures of the Iranian society.