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Exchange and trade have had an important role in the progress of human society. Since exchange is the result of production, and production began for the first time in Iranian Neolithic, thus Iran is the center of the first exchanges in the world. Near Easern Neolithic is known as the era of food-production revolution. Gordon Child has identified three revolutions during the human history. The first one is called “food production revolution”, which has happened in Iranian Neolithic. The secand revolution is “urnaban revolution” belenging to the Bronze Age of Near East and Iran. The third is “industrial revolution”, which was occurred in Europe. In this article, we will consider exchange and trade during the first revolution period. This paper has tried to explain the following: Introducing the Neolithic age with economic approach; Explain scientific theories about trade in the prehistoric era; Identify common models about trade and adapted models of the Iranian Neolithic and Chalcolithic eras; Analyze and explain the oldest commercial material of the world, (Obsidian) based on the archaeological findings of Iran; Study, the first counting objects and commercial seals at the Sites like sialk Kashan and Goytappe in Western Azarbaijan.

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According to the studies conducted by western archaeologists in a number of plains in Iran such as Doroodzan and Shahabad Plains, they have estimated population of the nuclear villages in the above plains between 100 and 150 people per hectare. This estimation is mostly related to large sedimentary plains with agricultural and animal husbandry livelihood. It seems, the condition in highland is different with those villages in lowlands due to differences in their lifestyle.  Accordingly, Laran County, which is located in the highland with nomadic lifestyle and animal husbandry, was studied to estimate its population in each period and assess its population changes during long period.  By applying Descriptive-Analytical and statistical methods such as SPSS, it was attempted to have a better understanding of the population changes. To estimate population of the area, population census of the modern day villages during year 2012 and ethno-archaeological activities such as study of 21 modern campsites were applied in this study. Finally, it was estimated that each person occupies 5/6 sq. m in village houses and 6/5 sq. m in campsites. Consequently, based on our studies in village houses and surrounding areas, it seems 51 persons are living in each hectare.  For campsites, which are located close to the village houses, it was estimated to 27 persons per hectare. Then the prehistoric population of Laran County was estimated in both site and region scales.

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The little Zab River in northwestern Iran rises from the mountains Piranshehr and flows from the northwest to the southeast direction to join Iraq from Alan passage. The River basin contains a large number of ancient settlements, and its lower area that is close to the Zab River has been the most interesting place for people in the Neolithic Age. An increasing population during Chalcolithic Age led to the dispersion of settlements. These sites are located in the north of this basin, in a valley and a little plain.

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Archaeological excavations on the western part of the Central Iranian Plateau, known as the Qazvin Plain provides invaluable information about the sedentary communities from early occupation to the later prehistoric era. Despite the past archeological data, chronological studies mostly rely on the relative use of the Bayesian modeling for stratigraphically-related radiocarbon dates. The current paper provides a new model for excavations and the chronological framework based on new radiocarbon dating of the six key archeological enclosures in the Qazvin plain. A Bayesian analysis of these data is presented on a site-by-site basis to give the best chronologies. Finally, all dates are combined into a single model of the chronology of the Qazvin Plain from the Late Neolithic to the Iron Age. The procedure aims to use the Bayesian model to predict the transition points between the archaeologically-defined periods with the highest possible precision, to redefine the existing chronology for the Qazvin Plain

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One of the most complex issues in understanding the evolution of human society is religion. However, religion in this sense is not the spiritual dimension of confessional or rhetorical form; rather it is a social phenomenon that has long been considered as one of the fundamental components of human society. Archaeological excavations often lead to the unearthing of movable and immovable objects that bear an obvious symbolic insignia; this is suggestive of the roles of beliefs and convictions in the formation of these objects. For instance, during the Neolithic period in some archeological sites such as Catalhoyuk in Anatolia, Sheikhiabad in Kermanshah and a number of other sites in the Near East, some objects were found that can be considered as symbolic made for specific purposes according to humans’ rituals and beliefs. In the present article, we study the views and theories of anthropologists and sociologists about religions, and the views of archaeologists about symbolism and religion in the contemporary world and in the beginning of the Neolithic period. Employing an interpretive approach, we examine and analyze possible intentions behind construction and functions of these symbolic objects.

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Neolithic and food production from domesticated species has been one of the most important topics discussed and studied about prehistoric archaeology. Since the 1920s, or even much earlier, archaeologists tried to explain this great event that changed human life after millions of years of hunting-gathering. During these years, various theories based on technological, environmental, economic and sustenance, demographic, social, and evolutionary and, in recent decades, ideological, have been proposed by researchers. Some believe that Neolithic and food production is not an absolute and sudden process, but a long-term process, from knowing and choosing of species, management, and domestication of interdependence; this process is called Neolithization. The Neolithization process is not just the adoption of a new way of life due to environmental and demographic changes, but the beginning of human mental and worldviews changes. In this period, human manifests new behaviors, including rituals, which can be seen in burials, handicrafts, and architecture. Placing animal horns (domestic/wild) in the architectural space is one of these ritual behaviors. This symbolic behavior has been found in Fertile Crescent sites, from the Levant in the westernmost to Iran’s easternmost borders. Some researchers believe that this behavior is to gain authority, while some believe that humans tried to use these ways to control the wild in their inner domestic world. In this research, the authors have tried to analyze this type of behavior from the perspective of Neolithization ideological theories.