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The relationship between Iran and Africa has had a long history including various aspects specially cultural issues. Their relationship, despite its ups and downs, has continued to work. The cultural relationship between the two countries has undergone many changes. These transformations have occurred both in Iran, Africa as well as the whole world. This study intends to examine and evaluate this era and the nature of these relations before and after Islamic revolution in Iran. The main question raised in this regard is that considering the good historical back ground, what has been the orientation of Iran's foreign policy in these periods? Studies point out that the relations between Iran and African countries affected by domestic or international approaches have had ups and downs. Apparently, during Pahlavi's regime, in spite of some measures taken to establish relations with African countries, these relations didn't have coherent policy and the relations with the North African countries has had more priorities over relations with sub-Saharan countries. Moreover, Iran’s relations with some countries such as the Apartheid government, or its military and financial support for some governments have provoked skepticism towards Iran among the other African countries, and has led to the cut off of the relations with Iran. However, victory of the revolution in Iran created a new development in relations with Africa, and considering  the approaches and goals of this revolution, relations with Africa has been placed in the highest foreign policies of IRI. Although, even in this age, these relationships have  gone under lots of  ups and downs  at the time of the ruling of    various governments in IRI.
 

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The discourse of the resistance of the Islamic Revolution, in addition to having a great impact on the political, social and cultural system of Iran, has been very influential beyond its borders and has been an inspiration for Muslim movements in different countries, including Nigeria. In the last few decades, Nigeria, as one of the important countries in Africa, has been the platform for the formation of the Islamic movement and the expansion of Shiism, and now the population of several million Shiites in Nigeria has turned this country into one of the centers of Shiism.Based on this, the present research has analyzed the impact of the discourse of Islamic revolution resistance on the Islamic movement in Nigeria by using the discourse theory of Lakla and Mofe and using explanatory-analytical method.The findings of the research showed that the discourse of resistance after the victory of the revolution, with the systematization of the Islamic discourse, from a discourse marginalized by the discourse of domination, has become an active discourse in the text of domestic and international policies, and with negation. The hegemony of the domination system and the lack of compromise with it has created a new articulation, which at the end of this articulation has defined a model of resistance against the domination system. This model of resistance, with an emphasis on political Islam, anti-arrogance and anti-Westernism,in addition to reviving the identity of Shiites in Nigeria, has also influenced the formation and expansion of the Islamic movement in this country.

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For geopolitical and strategic reasont, the Middle East and North Africa has been of dreat importance for the great powers for a long time. ...

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Shahnameh position experienced many ups and downs in last century among the people. During the Reza Shah this literary text used as a supporter for his nationalist policies. They took some of patriotically verses to promote a sense of nationalism among people. Aalso during the second Pahlavi Shahnameh used to showcase the grandeur of ancient Iran and its traditions for other countries and civilizations. Nearly can be said they took advantage of Shahnameh in all national celebrations and festivals. For this reason, people from the people that were not aware of the Shahnameh truth were away from the Shahnameh gradually. They also saw the Shahnameh as one of the royal Instruments and should be considered outcasts.
On the other hand, replacing rreligious ideas instead of nationalist ideas as well as migration of some eminent researchers of Shahnameh Led the literary text is more unkindly. In this study, we will discuss this issues.

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The first political story after the Islamic Revolution of Iran is probably Sellul-e hejdah by Darvishiyan. The work mirrors the author’s memories of the prison and ideological armed struggles. In addition, this text is the first story by the author after victory of the Islamic Revolution and can be considered as the first political story after the revolution. A study of the various levels of this story shows that Sellul-e hejdah, in spite of being a memoir, is one of the best examples of political fiction. The dominant radical discourse of the 80s [1360s] manifests the confrontation of four different generations.The first generation includes those conservatives who are traditional and religious and are unable to confront the dominant discourse.The second generation includes those conservatives who are not happy with the political decadence but prefer to maintain the situation.The third group relates to those radical freedom fighters that are not satisfied with the status quo and suffer from discrimination and tend to change the society.Finally, the fourth generation includes descendants of the revolutionaries who have little knowledge of the revolution and yet their lives are tied to it.

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The Islamic Revolution of Iran triumphed in 1978. Several groups were able to take the rule. The Imperial Army was one of the groups that dominated the tense situation at that time. But what happened, It declared its neutrality in the conflict of the revolution. Due  to inconsistency in the policy of repression and compromise the king's army was defeated. According to the author, the composition of policies dealing with the revolutionaries led to the collapse of the repressive apparatus. Inconsistency in repression and compromise strategy was an essential factor in the regime's repressive apparatus disability. On the one hand, This strategy led to the freedom of political prisoners. Then the regime could not arrest the opponents. On the other hand, the compromise of the regime led to the arrest of suppressive forces and dissolution of SAVAK. Finally, such policies led to the difference between military commanders to control and suppress the revolutionaries, and loss of balance of forces.  

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In this paper, to test the theory of Honneth, historical methods and analysis technique were used. The analysis of socio-economic forces during the 40s and 50 in the Islamic Revolution of Iran showed that Shah failed in the modernization program involved: secularism, nationalism and capitalism. Along with feeling humiliated, mis-recognition, denial and injustice by some social forces, established a major change in the approach to policy seminary. Clergymen showed a tendency to transformed orientation, and different social classes were mobilized against the regime. They felt humiliatly because of the modernization project. Because of the regime’s emphasis on nationalism, political parties and different urban middle classes including academics, writers and intellectuals felt mis- recocgnition. All of these resons led to increasing the motivation of clergymen to join the revelution. But also the economic forces played a effective role to the victory of the Islamic Revolut­ion in Iran. Traditional merchants, immigrants and poor people were the losers of the modernization project. Capitalism was unfaid and detrimental to them.They also joined the coalition. Based on these results, the recognition is one of the main causes of masses, mobalization against the regime.    

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Since the beginning of emergence of Pakistan as an independent country, the conflict about Islamic state had begun between the secular and religious groups. “What is the role of Islam in the government?” was the question that Pakistan was facing in the last decades of 20^th century. In response to the question, Muslim scholars proposed two answers: the first group suppose that Islam is equal to government and second group believe that the government in Islam has only one dimension and other dimensions of Islam are much more important than political dimension. .Ghamidi with passing from the first approach, that was evident in the opinions of Maududi and he was the chief spokesperson, placed his interpretation of Islam, Qur'an and Sunnah based on the second approach. From view of Ghamidi, politically Islamic society establishment is precedence over the Islamic government. This society is possible through an Islamic Revolution and Revolution will pave the way for an Islamic state. The Islamic state is combination of three groups: Muslims, Mu`ahids and Zimmis. Such a state based on pluralism in religion and politics.  

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This article begins with the presupposition that the idea of the Islamic Revolution was born in historical social context and intellectual and political currents 20s, so the problem, it is that How did the religious, intellectual and political in this decade? Which has provided social and historical context for the sociological phenomenon as the revolution.
In order to obtain ideas of the Islamic Revolution in separate thematic analysis of leader and elites Islamic Revolution thought and in this study whit the searching the religious, intellectual and political situation in 20s, achieved this result that Revolutionary thought is closer to one of the intellectual and political currents of the decade.
Whereof four major currents of thought and political had social life in the that tract  free space, after a brief mention of the status of that tract, will be discussed, to recognize these trends, but where of 57 Iran’s revolution have give Islamic indicating, most the focus of this article is to understand the ideas of the two branches of political Islamism, the religious fundamentalism and religious modernism in the 1320s. the religious fundamentalism is current that in the religious knowledge sees no need to change and is trying to extract answers all the questions and needs of modernity from religion in the from of pre-existing, not with a new understanding of religion, and religious modernism that includes a wide range, is trying to respond modernity to new understanding of religion that it leads to changes in religious knowledge in this paper is discussed in detail to the stream.

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This article compares the contexts of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and the revolution of Egypt based on the theoretical model of John Foran. It is attempted to answer this question that what the similarities and differences between the revolutions of Iran and Egypt are, that the Iranian revolution has won and continued, But the Egyptian revolution did not continue after victory. The theoretical framework of this article is the John Foran's combined model of the third world social revolutions. According to this model, several structural factors affect the occurrence of social revolutions, which include: 1) dependent development; 2) repressive, monopolistic and personal government; 3) formation and crystallization of political culture of resistance and revolutionary crisis; (4) the economic recession; and (5) the open relationship with the global system. The method used in this research is qualitative method and of a documentary analysis kind, as well as a historical comparison. The results indicate that according to the third world social revolution model, all the factors suggested in this model were involved in the occurrence of two Iranian-Egyptian revolutions.

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This research is a comparative study of the two discourses of the religious intellectual of the 40s and the discourse of the Islamic Revolution. In this essay, the author first used the epistemological framework of Lacla and Mouffe's theory and its methodological strategy to articulate these discourses based on their central slab. Shariati, with a sociological point of view, was able to present a political image of Islam centered on "revolutionary-social Islam", and the forerunner of the Islamic Revolution. In the continuation of this discourse, the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, also with a jurisprudential approach, with the focus of "pure Islam" as the central axis in the epicenter of the epistemological and thematic, of all political movements after the Islamic Revolution, with the same discursive components, was able to reproduce in a newer and more different form of production and theorize. Findings of the research indicate that both discourses, based on the belief in the combination of religion and politics with a relatively democratic approach and through the use of the "nations and pontificate" system, were able to establish their ideal state which, in contrast to totalitarian systems, religion the traditional and supportive clerics led to the marginalization of the dominant discourse and ruling of the era, the "Pahlavi’s discourse”. Both of these discourses, with the limitations of the powers of the leadership, however, despite the differences in the form and content, were able to emphasize the role of the people and their influence on the choice.

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Land Increasing from day to day human need and infeasibility of its production in particular make the practice of its operation and management to be undertaken in a suitable manner. In this connection, the attitude toward land use management and rural residential land assignments in particular has been accomplished to appearing too problems from an old and primitive development viewpoint. Therefore, over recent years, the attitude toward land use management and rural residential land assignments in particular has been made from a sustainability viewpoint. In Iran, like some other countries, the government has attempted to assign national wastelands within a residential land plan to the rural people since 1979. In this connection, yet scientical appraisal has been not for rural settlements ranking affected of consequences of rural residential lands assignment. On the other hand, ORESTE method has been introduce as a one of the most applicational ranking methods recently. Therefore, research aim is introduce and use ORESTE method for rural settlements ranking affected of consequences of rural residential lands assignment. According to the study findings of the research done by the description and analysis of 264 rural household questionnaires Foundation in six selected provinces, and 15 questionnaires of the scientical specialized to have weight to 20 indexes, Chahkotah rural, Abtavil and Malekabad are suitable as compared with other rural areas in residential lands assignment process. In addition to, ORESTE method as a criterion for ranking of consequences of rural residential lands assignment is suitable method and minimum wrong.

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One of the challenges of the Islamic Republic of Iran during her forty years since the 1979 revolution is the bewilderment for the realization of social justice. Although it is argued that the lack of social justice during the Pahlavi regime finally resulted in the Islamic Revolution, failure in the improvement of social justice indices after the revolution, especially after the end of the war between Iran and Iraq in 1988, has resulted in governance policies that are contrary to social justice. Given that social justice in Iran is not desirable and the current situation in Iran, forty years after the revolution, does not resemble much the ideals of the revolutionary leaders for establishing social justice, the present article, by referring to reliable data and using analytical-descriptive method, attempts to show that the governance practices in Iran have not been able to realize social justice which entails taking into consideration the successful international experiences and implementation of the good governance practices.