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"Haftwad" story is a multilayered story of shahnameh, Although it included in a section called historical section of shahnameh, but it has been interwowen with mythologic elements and constructed in margin of myth and history. this story with it's origin came back to "Ardeshir Babakan Works", is a section of Ardeshir life befor reaching Iranshahr kingdom. Historical-mythic nature of Haftwad story and its collection of textual and intertextual elements required in various reading and pave the way to reading religious, historical, political and even economic topics with semiological approaches, discourse analysis, and new historicism. The present research aims to review This story from both new historicism and discourse analysis point of view (perspective) having a deep connection with authority and ideology, and to represent its neglected and unsought aspects. In sum, struggle between Parthian and sassanian, contrast of legal and illegal authority, hegemony of financial system and contrast of both Zoroastrianism and Mithraism is motif of Haftwad story in each of such reviews. Also study of elements and signs available on shahnameh narrative and another source of Haftwad story show that source of political and ideological authority has played an important role in formation events in primary source of shahnameh narrative (Ardeshir Babakan Works) and following it in shahnameh itself.

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This study takes a critical look at the purposive manipulation of discourse and rhetoric by the former Iranian President — Hassan Rouhani — when announcing the lockdown of holy sites during the COVID-19 crisis. A discourse analysis with a qualitative design was applied to study the political dimension of the discourse. This study is framed within the domain of systemic functional linguistics mood systems and the classical Aristotelian rhetoric trio — logos, ethos, and pathos. The results revealed that Rouhani mainly used the declarative mood in his speeches which performed three main functions: statements of opinion, statements of fact, and indirect directives. From a rhetorical perspective, Rouhani applied ethos considerably more than pathos and logos as a way to increase the credibility of his words while persuading the audience. Moreover, the researchers noticed that the former president employed multiple strategies to build pathos and ethos with the audience. These findings can suggest and encourage novel future research directions.
 

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The subject of this research was focused on the Critical Discourse Analysis of two satirical works of “Book of poems of Lari Rooster ” by Abolghasem Halat and “The collection of works by Mohammad Ali Afrashteh”, compiled by Nosratollah Noohian, based on Van Leeuwen's model(1996). This research aimed to examine the influence of ruling powers and the ideological processes of the second Pahlavi era on the explicitness (frankness) and obscurity (inexplicitness) of the word in the two works mentioned. In this article, the actors  involved and participating in these satirical lyrics were evaluated based on Van Leeuwen's model components such as exclusion, impersonalization, determination, indetermination, nomination, categorization, association, differentiation, genericization and specification. We chose these works since the views of their satirist authors in the Pahlavi II era emanated from common social and political origins, while at the same time, they had different ideologies and tendencies. Therefore, such various commonalities and differences provide a basis to make comparisons between them. The study results suggested that although both satires are more eager to speak and write in obscurity and vague and classification and depersonalization are highly frequent in their poems, but unlike Abolghasem Halat, Mohammad Ali Afrashteh has enhanced the explicitness and frankness of his words by stating the names of the actors who were in power as well as criticizing the main pillars of power such as the king, royal court, clerics, and the security forces. Due to socialist tendencies, Mohammad Ali Afrashteh has also further used the referential type component to represent masses and people. Abolghasem Halat, with more use of the depersonalization component, namely, pronouns and obscure attributes, has made his word more obscure.

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Allegory in a partisan approach is a literary industry that rhetoric scholars study under the science of expression and similes, but the allegory, based on the holistic view of discursive approaches to language, is the instrument of discourse that Sufis have always sought through Sufi history. They bring to the spiritual and spiritual elements of their mystical experiences a tangible and intangible body and bring the general and unfamiliar audience into the comprehensible domain of experiences of which they or other Sufis themselves are. If we focus on the capacities of the mystical allegory as a discursive articulation, we will see that each allegory, by placing linguistic signs in a particular relation, creates meaning and rejects potential meanings. From this perspective, allegory is a discourse tool that reproduces the author's intended discourse and disrupts competing semantic systems. Based on such an approach, with the help of methodologies and methodological tools of Laclau's and Moff's discourse theory, this study examines the allegory of "master and servant" as one of the most prolific allegations in explaining the various aspects of the relationship between man and God in mystical works from the third to the seventh centuries. . The findings of the study show that Sufi has used this recurring allegory to reproduce four different discourses of "fear and obedience" "Reza and eradat" "expansion and affection" and "freedom and unity" that each seek to define a legal, moral, The love and the epistemology between God and man have arisen.

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This study aims at ascertaining a framework that would account for the Persian data. We scrutinize all data occurring in the selected corpus, and describe how they usually work on the basis of the two following variables: power and intimacy. According to our investigation, the use of terms of address in Persian is affected by age, sex, occupation, ideology, political and social position of the interlocutors. These variables can be stated as a result of the investigation of older material – such as qualitative analysis of observations followed by unobtrusive note taking of contemporary use, a corpus of several plays, travel accounts, interviews, TV, radio and careful observation terms used to address today. The above-mentioned variables indicate a strong relationship between social structures and address terms in Persian.

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Today, there is a plethora of literature on the process of accelerating growth of science and technology in Iran. Assuming technology as a social construct of modern society, and in the light of Ricoeurian hermeneutic approach, this paper aims, first, to show the resemblance of the current discursive relationship between the Iranian society and technology to a "discourse of faith" and, second to explain how this discourse has roots in the preceding one which can be considered as a "discourse of suspicion". To do so, the paper first, builds a conceptual model based on the Ricoeurian theory of interpretation, where, by analogy, modern technology is compared to the text and the user of the technology as its reader. Then, it introduces two episodes of relationship between technology and its Iranian users in the public policy of the post-revolutionary era: distanciation and appropriation. It concludes that the current growth of scientific endeavors serves as the material base for an Iranian discourse of techno-nationalism; a new self-identification which motivates the elites to develop new bases for national self-esteem.

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Tendency to najwa (religious whispering) and praying to God has been present in human soul from the time immemorial. In other words, the background of human’s God-seeking tendencies has been confirmed through historical and archeological excavations. Attachment to the infinite source of being and coming to the divine threshold is a process that can be possible through prayers and that's the reason, worship enjoys special place in Islamic educational setup which has been encouraged by various ways. Considering the needs of the present generation on the one side and necessity of proper and sufficient attention on invaluable heritage from the household of the prophet, on the other side, the current study is dedicated to the literary discourse analysis of the first prayer in al-Sahifa al-Sajjadiyya. The discourse analysis is a new method, which more than others, emphasizes on the relationship between text and its situational texture. Likewise, the discourse analysis intends to highlight relationship between features of literary text and its topic and texture. The results of this research, which is done using a descriptive-analytical method, indicate a harmony between linguistic context) literary features( of the first prayer and its situational context.

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In this article, a famous sonnet by Hafez is briefly analyzed based on Van Dijk's (professor of discourse analysis) ideological square & Based on some discursive factors, it is analyzed and interpreted in terms of form and content and it is analyzed how Hafez highlighted the positive characteristics of "we" (Hafez, mystics) while writing a lyric. And he has distinguished the negative characteristics of "others" (the kings). And he has shown the negative qualities of "self" and the positive qualities of "others" and he shows that they are less important. These four cases are the basic cases of Van Dijk's theory in the analysis of texts and speeches. The main goal of this research is to know more about the moral and social views of Hafez and his time through the poems that From the point of view of the theory of critical discourse analysis, it has been evaluated.
     The method of this research is descriptive-analytical (qualitative) and its data was collected using the library method. Among the results of the current research is this that by introducing the linguistic and rhetorical methods of Hafez & in expressing moral and critical issues, his great human and social concerns should be introduced. In this way, Hafez has expressed his critical discourse by using direct and indirect expression, and by using appropriate vocabulary and syntax and rhetorical ironics. He criticizes us by highlighting our positive qualities such as avoiding bad language and prejudice and avoiding wrongdoing, and he has talked about the negative characteristics of others such as saying bad things and hearing bad things, thinking bad things and slandering.

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Nader Ebrahimi has published 49 works for children and young adults, the impact of political-social discourses on which has not yet been examined in any research using a discourse analysis approach. This article draws on two discourse analysis theories—those of James Paul Gee and Norman Fairclough—to demonstrate the impact of political-social discourses on Ebrahimi’s children’s and young adults’ works. Research findings show that “love of Iran” was always a central concern in Ebrahimi’s works, except that, under the influence of political and social developments, elements are added to or subtracted from this nationalist discourse: (1) in the years before the Islamic Revolution in Iran, Ebrahimi’s fiction tends to fall under endogenous national discourses, underscoring national endeavor to build Iran; (2) during the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the element of “politics” clearly finds its way into his fiction, subsuming his works under a revolutionary discourse centered on combating tyranny and honoring the revolution and the campaigns by revolutionaries; (3) after the Iran-Iraq war, his fiction can be formulated under the “construction discourse,” in which love of Iran is still pivotal, and more than anything else, it emphasizes Iran’s potential for industry and economic development. His literature in this period remains political, and the “anti-Western” element is more evident in his works relative to his previous works.

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Nader Ebrahimi published 49 works for children and adolescents that have not been studied in any research work by analyzing discourse on the impact of socio-political discourses on them. In this article, we try to show the effect of socio-political discourses on the works of children and adolescents by relying on two theories of discourse analysis of James Paul Gee and Norman Fairclough. The results of the research show that "Iran-friendliness" has always been in the center of Ebrahimi's attention, with the difference that under the influence of socio-political developments, elements are added or reduced to this nationalist discourse: 1. In the years before the revolution, Ebrahimi's stories were largely subordinated to endogenous national discourses that emphasized national efforts to build Iran; 2. Simultaneously with the revolution, the element of "politics" is clearly found in his stories, and in this respect his works can be placed under the revolutionary discourse with a focus on anti-tyranny, commemoration of the revolution and the struggles of the revolutionaries; 3. At the end of the war, his stories are formulated under a "constructive discourse" in which Iran-friendliness continues to be in the spotlight, emphasizing above all Iran's potential for industry and economic development in general. His stories in this period is still political and the element of "anti-Westernism" is seen more in his works than in previous periods.

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Through uncovering the underlying elements of language, this research aims to reveal the hidden layers of meaning in press texts in the framework of a critical discourse analysis. Having used socio-semantic features of Van Leeuwen's model (1996), this paper has studied, qualitatively, 40 issues of four Iranian Persian publications for a period of two months, from July 22 to September 21, 2011. These publications were 'E'temad', 'Sharq', Resalat' and Keyhan. The analyses included recognizing discursive structures in the texts, determining the linguistic realizations of structures, and explaining along with uncovering the hidden layers of meaning and the ideology behind the texts. The research results out of the data analysis indicate that the ideology dominating the minds of writers and groups is reflected in the texts using discursive features as exclusion, activation, passivation, personalization and impersonalization. Exclusion has been the most frequently used feature in 'E'temad and 'Sharq', whereas activation has had the highest frequency of occurrences in 'Resalat' and 'Keyhan'. The discursive structures take place using linguistic instruments like pre-modifiers, active vs. passive structures, coordination and circumstantials, in the texts. Besides, the relationship between discursive structures and ideology is dialectal, which can be determined by studying these structures in the texts and social institutions.

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   The present study focuses on the evaluation and critical reviewing of equivalence translation process and output. The choices of equivalents were examined by Fairclough’s model (2011) of critical discourse analysis. According to this model, interpretation and explanation of socio – cultural, socio – historical and situational context as macrostructures which examine everything about texts are complementary pairs for descriptive analysis which examine everything in texts as microstructures. To clarify the discussion, translated texts (Meta texts) are analyzed and compared with their source texts (Proto text). The results indicated that in order to find a framework for equivalence; there is a significant need for discursive features which are partly critical and partly descriptive (semantic) as units for translation criticism. These discursive components in translation process have been coined in this study as “CRISEME”.      

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This research is to analyze the effects of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) on reading comprehension of Iranian EFL learners. After providing a useful synopsis, this research is to contextualize CDA in two ranges of learning situations and classifies how CDA can shed new perceptions on learning. Detailed systematic measures are included to clarify the procedure of conducting CDA. The participants were 61 male and female M.A. English students of Boroujerd Islamic Azad University, selected on a non- random basis by applying a TOEFL test among over 91 EFL M.A. students considered to be at the same level. Those whose scores on the test were from 224 to 316 with the mean of 273.736 were considered as the participants of this study. They had received instructions on English language for 16 sessions at Boroujerd Islamic Azad University. The participants were native speakers of Farsi. Any word, phrase, or structure can have different possible meanings, which is known as the meaning range. Focusing on the implied meaning of the text, the learners of the second language reach a better understanding of the text and consequently of the second language. The present research shows how seven elements offered by Fairclough's model in critical discourse analysis can affect reading ability of Iranian EFL learners. Also,besides scrutinizing the effect of CDA in EFL learners, the researcher introduces the seven elements of Fairclough's model as well.

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In this article, a contrastive analysis of reformists and fundamentalists’ press texts, related to nuclear talks has been performed in specific periods of time, before and after the last round of nuclear talks between Islamic Republic of Iran and the 5+1 group, especially the United States’ related texts in Iran’s Persian newspapers as representatives of the two opposite discourses, from the perspective of the Critical Discourse Analysis approach by using socio-semantic features of Van Leeuwen’s model (2008). This study goes beyond the structural description of the discourse practices and examines the ways through which a system and structure make possible a special type of action. To do so, discursive texts of the two Iranian Persian publications belonging to two rival groups: E’temad as the representative of reformists and Keyhan, the fundamentalists’ representative, have been analyzed, both qualitatively and quantitatively. In response to the research questions (How is the linguistic realization of the discursive structures performed in the given texts? And are Socio-Semantic features determined by power relations?)The result shows that the opposite ideologies dominating the minds of journalists of the two political groups are reflected in the texts and statistical analysis of the corpus also states that the Socio-Semantic features are determined by different ideologies, related to power relations. In other words, language   and   discourse   at underlying levels are laden with ideology, power relations and dominance, and at surface levels, with discursive features and structures. 

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Almost all Islamic classical movements believe that the main task of women is motherhood and housekeeping. However, from the perspective of new Salafist groups, there have been transformations in women’s rights and duties. Studying the political and social role of women from the new Salafist point of views and comparing them with the views of old Salafists was because the issue was unexplored. This paper investigates differences between the perspective of the new and old Salafists regarding the role of women, through examining primary resources such as the works of old and new Salafist ideologues, as well as secondary sources susch as magazines, manifesto, tweets, and websites. Based on the critical discourse analysis, this paper concludes that both the new and old Salafist groups shared the same theological sources and references, but the old ones have a literal (and not a contextual or interpretative) reading of the holy book (the Qur’an) and the Sunna as their fundamental resource and reference. In the new Salafist discourse, women have the right to participate in all social and military activities. Therefore, the big shift created in terms of social and political participation of women through new Salafists is based on new circumstances, ambitions as well as their different understanding and interpretation of theology concerning the role and duty of women.

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About two years after the Iraq-Iran war, and at a time when Iraqi-Iranian relations were neither war nor peace, Saddam Hussein as Iraq's top political leader, wrote letters to high-ranking Iranian officials. In the correspondences, he sought to portray himself as a pacifist seeking a peaceful solution to the Iraq-Iran crisis. Iranian officials replied obsessively to all the letters. The role of these letters was very important because they were written after the war that incurred heavy human and material losses between the two countries. At that time, officials of both countries were very careful and cautious in what to say and how to say it. Probably, it could be said that the war between the two countries had gone from a physical battle to an attempt at verbal persuasion. Therefore, it is important and necessary to examine and analyze these messages through critical discourse analysis. After reviewing the correspondences, it became clear that there was a dialectical connection between their ideology, power, and texts. The more socially and politically powerful the actor is, the more opportunity he has for linguistics, and in turn, has an effect on his display of power. Officials of both countries – even perhaps unknowingly - used the discourse components to strengthen and direct their discourse; components such as: polarization, reference, lexical options, participant characteristics, implicit signification, distance, and fallacy.
 

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Abstract: Demographic discourses in the media or public inform lay people and may impact population planning and policies. Understanding the situation and characteristics of public demographic discourses in Iran helps the government and policy makers to identify experts’ advice to use in effective policymaking and to discern public perceptions and understanding of population policies and promote changes in fertility behavior. The aim of this paper is to examine public demographic discourses which are produced and reproduced in the Iranian media to affect fertility policy and decision making after the announcement of General Population Policies by the Supreme Leader in 2014. This paper uses the critical discourse analysis for analyzing demographic discourses in websites of two influential Iranian newspapers, i.e., Keyhan and Iran, and demographers’ ideas and opinions available online during 21 March 2010 and 21 May 2016. The critical discourse analysis illustrates that the main discourse for public demography is “Conceptual”. Analyzing texts indicates that demographers have tried to reduce the gap between science – policy by disseminating simple and understandable demographic discussions in the media. They argue that demographic issues are specialized topics and require scientific and rigorous research. Therefore, the first step for policymaking and planning is the recognition and understanding of population situation. Public demography intends to facilitate the formulation of an evidence-based policymaking to achieve General Population Policy objectives. Policymakers are recommended to provide favorable social and economic contexts supporting family formation and childbearing towards sustainable population growth outlined in the General Population Policies. Public demography has a vital role in providing a deeper understanding of future population trends and policies.
 

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The present tries to study and review the manner the discourse analysis method is being used in family studies. This method especially emphasizes the role of research in the social context. Considering the key role of the family and women and their place in ensuring the prosperity, this sacred institution should be researched upon in this so that we can reveal the structures and processes that are based on ideology and power. However, considering past researches in the field of women and family, a majority of researchers have paid little attention to the social context while investigating those problems. Therefore, it seems a research gap in this field and hence, this article aims to answer to this question: How can family and women's issues be investigated through the discourse analysis method? The influencing factors on this social phenomenon have been written with the aim of determining the type of linguistic strategies in representation, alienation, highlighting, etc. And in the meantime, we will also discuss the evolution of the discourse analysis method. In order to achieve this goal and to understand this matter more easily, we have used the movies Kitab Qanun (Book of Law), Abed and One Day (Forrever and One Day) as examples.
 

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: The post-colonial conditions provided a good opportunity for Muslim women to shift their strategic position from a unit of analysis for westerners to the agent of active knowledge production. For many, Islamic feminism is considered as an alternative knowledge to bring about an epistemological emancipation from Orientalist ideas. Nevertheless, the present study shows, this is not free of ambiguity and problems. This study focuses on a book entitled Women and Gender in Islam by Leila Ahmed (1992) as one of the most influential sources of Islamic feminism, which is considered as an international academic source and is part of the most frequent textbooks in syllabi in American universities for decades Regarding the issue of the current article, that is, the challenges of thinking on the boundary of Islam and modernity for Muslim women, the supremacy of presuppositions and modern gender ideas have been explored in Islamic feminism. This superiority of discourse is to the extent that by using the critical discourse analysis method and understanding intertextual connections with other first-hand Islamic historical and jurisprudential sources, Ahmad's reading can be much distorted. As such, the paper tries to unveil the necessity of re-considering internal ambivalences and discursive complications of the book, considering its logic in approaching early marriage, polygamy, and veiling through Ahmed's creation of complex binaries such as Jahiliah (ignorance) vs. Islam and the Prophet vis-a-vis his female counterparts.