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The anti-colonial uprisings and struggles of the Shia Muslims against the Portuguese presence on the southern coasts of the Persian Gulf are considered significant events of the 10th and 11th centuries AH. The Shia communities in these regions faced severe hardships due to the actions of the Portuguese and suffered more oppression and injustice than other groups. Therefore, they employed rebellion and uprising as a counteraction method to weaken and expel the Portuguese. Applying Charles Tilly’s theory of 'collective action,' which refers to uprisings, rebellions, and political and social movements at any time and place, can play an important role in offering a new perspective on the subject. Thus, the authors of this study aimed to identify and analyze the factors influencing the formation of the Shia anti-colonial struggles on the southern coasts of the Persian Gulf, using a descriptive-analytical method based on Charles Tilly's collective action theory. The research results indicate that the continued oppression and weakness of economic life in identifying interests, the role of common religious and sectarian identity among people and regional powers as the movement organization, the utility of the political and military capacities of existing powers as a source of mobilization, and the exploitation of regional conflicts and disputes as opportunities, together with the violence and suppression of the natives, created facilitating conditions for the struggles and uprisings of the Shia communities on the southern coasts of the Persian Gulf.
 

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In the third century, the political multiplicity of Iran was influential on various thoughts and expansion of the opposite religious interactions. Benefiting from the attention towards the masses of people and equalizing among them, Murjae and Hanafiae could affect Iran and missionaries deeply. In the middle of the third century, with the Shafei’s influence in the fascinating cities of Ray, Neishabur, Samarghand and Tashkand, limited the dominance of Hanafi-Hanbali thoughts. The increase of city dwelling caused by the attraction of missionaries from countryside and villages to these cities would have been another factor in this process. The appropriateness of political geography and the struggling of Zaydieh Shiite direction , tinged with Motazeli thought , against Taherian caused that even Samanid did not succeed in eradicating the social roots of this course in some parts of Iran. In Khorasan, at the end of the third century, Ismaeli missionaries gave priority to change rural religious thought into the alteration of urban political elites’ beliefs. It was Ahmad Ibn Hassan Maderani, who put some emphasis for Imami –Shiite thought in Ray. Kolein in the outskirt of Ray, witnessed the appearance of Mohammad Ibn Yaghub( Jacob ) , the Imami narrative connector , who could present a pattern with Qomi view , for the rationalizing and reconstructing the society of Imami people of Baghdad. It should be noted that the connecting base among Imami populations in Neishabur , Ray, Qom , Marve and Balkh of the third century was something beyond the exchanges of trade :union:s , in particular , it was Qom ,benefiting from the scholarly elites who were in majority, that in the light of Asharites at the end of the third century witnessed the centralization of Imamieh and planning for faithful or economic expansion . In this case, the ideas of Andrew Newman, Wilfred Madelung , Donlop and Pelt are disputable.